Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa PART 1

It’s clear that the most important era in the modern Southern African liberation movement is between 1960 and 1976.It defined the politics of the region forever. During this period the apartheid regime was successful in staging two treason trails that were set to reverberate within the country and beyond till this very day. These are the Bethal and Rivionia Treason Trials, distinctively set up to obliterate the PAC from within and numb and transform the ANC into ‘collaborators’. Since the illegal formation of the Union of South Africa by the British and Dutch high command in the country, there has never been an opposing political force but the ANC. Within this regard, the apartheid regime had only been dealing with an elite group of Africans who were carved into a working middleclass; Christian converts and clergyman, academics and traditional leaders. It’s not until the late 50’s and early 60’s that the regime started facing an opposing political force that was aware of the class struggles that existed amongst the oppressed and thus transformed this awareness into sharp political articulation in the form of “true africanist’ stance that sought to do away with the “House Nigger’ or ‘Uncle Tom’ mentalities that diluted the peoples revolution and harbingered neo-colonialism. The ANC basically confirmed with the charter drafted in Kliptown that their route of liberation was a racially induced one, hence the multiracial character of the charter. This would further fuel racialism and also maintain the status quo socio-economically of the haves and have nots. The Sharpeville massacre in 1960 ushered in a new identity for the regions liberation politics. This identity was one of non collaboration (with the regime and neo-liberals) and a ‘go at it alone’ mentality. It also harbingered a new era of de-racialisation of politics and intense reassurance in a humanistic movement. Robert Sobukwe further elaborated on this stating: “In our past experience has been that minority groups declare themselves sympathetic to our struggle….but when they come into our movement they do not except the program we have formulated ourselves. They present us with programs that protect their sectional interests”. The ANC was thus a marginalized power in this regard. This stance taken in the 60’s was a flower blooming from seeds planted in the late 40’s already by the likes of Sobukwe, Lembede, Mandela, Sisulu and Mda whilst part of the Student Representative Council at the University College of Fort hare. Sobukwe addressed striking nurses in 1949: “I wish to make clear again that we are anti-nobody. We are pro-Africa. We breathe, we dream, we live Africa because Africa and humanity are inseparable. History has taught us that a group in power has never voluntarily relinquished its position. I am afraid these gentlemen are dealing with a new generation of which cannot be bamboozled”. These views, fighting ideas with ideas, herrenvolk versus humanity, completely set the PAC aside in the political arena as giants of the liberation movement. This was not ideal for the regime. Something or someone had to be obliterated. Between 1955 and 1960, the ANC had clearly exposed the true nature of their politics. By endorsing the Freedom Charter they went to bed with the oppressor, eyes wide shut. The difference with the ANC of 1912 and that of 1955 is that the latter willingly accepted the role of the gate keeper and protector of white guilt. The former was very oblivious and unaware of the colonial masters’ intension hence the black middle-class was formed with dignity and grace. The regime had to make a crucial decision in order to maintain the political imbalance. The banning of the ANC and the PAC was the initial move. The second move was to portray these organizations in a certain light that would be advantageous to them. How? Be extremely brutal to the “True Africanist” leadership such that a sense of mortal fear is dominant. Also, find a loophole in the conservative ANC that will allow them to see a future of multiracialism in South Africa. The Bethal Trial served to destroy Pan Africanism through an illegal court system . The Riviona Trail served to uphold a racist regime through ANC reformed prisoners who would one day emerge in the 1990’s as the true liberators of this land chanting a slogan of ‘multiracialism’. This is the real truth about South Africa.

Upcoming Article: Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa

NB:HERE IS THE BACKGROUND OF THE ARTICLE. THIS IS FOR YOU THE READER TO BE FAMILIAR WITH THE TWO TRIALS IN ORDER TO COMPREHEND THE REASON AN LOGIC BEHIND ARTICLE. INFORMATION ACCESSED THROUGH SABC TRC SPECIAL REPORT. Bethal Treason Trial: In 1978, four of eighty-six ‘co-conspirators’ charged with furthering the aims of the PAC died in police custody while awaiting trial. These detainees were Mr Naoboth Ntshuntsha Mr Bonaventure Malaza, Mr Aaron Khoza (who died in Pietermaritzburg), and Mr Samuel Malinga. The police alleged that all four had committed suicide. The eighty-six accused were part of a major trial of PAC members, which began in February 1978, in which eighteen members of the PAC, including PAC leader Mr Robert Sobukwe, Mr Zephaniah Mothopeng and Mr Mark Shinners, were charged under the Terrorism Act with furthering the aims of the organisation. Other charges related to alleged recruitment of people to undergo military training for the PAC abroad; the use of a religious organisation, the Young African Religious Movement, as a cover; encouraging violence and sabotage during unrest in Kagiso in 1977, and attempting to re-activate the PAC. They subsequently were sentenced to life imprisonment and shipped to Robben Island .The trial came to be known as the Bethal Treason Trial. It was held in the small rural town of Bethal in order to isolate the accused and reduce media coverage. The trial was also held in camera. Only journalists with cards signed by the commissioner of police were allowed to attend the hearings. The Rivonia Trial was a trial that took place in South Africa between 1963 and 1964, in which ten leaders of the African National Congress were tried for 221 acts of sabotage designed to overthrow the apartheid system. This trial was made after the police raid on the MK base in Rivonia, which showed documents of relations to the 10 accused men. The trial was essentially a mechanism through which the apartheid government could hurt or mute the ANC and allied organizations. Its leaders, including Nelson Mandela, who was already in Johannesburg's Fort prison serving a five-year sentence for inciting workers to strike and leaving the country illegally, were prosecuted, found guilty, and imprisoned. The apartheid regime's attack on the ANC's leadership and organizers continued with a trial known as Little Rivonia, in which other ANC members were prosecuted for sabotage. Amongst the defendants in this trial was the chief of MK, Wilton Mkwayi who was sentenced to life imprisonment alongside Mandela and the other ANC leaders on Robben Island. The government took advantage of 90 days without trial, and the defendants were held incommunicado. Each of the ten accused pleaded not guilty. The trial ended on 12 June 1964.

Upcoming Article: Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa

Please look out for the next installment. If my gut feeling is on point, it will be my last. Serve, suffer, sacrifice.

Tertiary Higher Education, THE FINAL formal academic fundamental tool for solid nation building!

The current global working class system, which is a product of colonialism, is designed in such a way as way as to produce a cluster of intellectuals and social leaders. In turn tried and tested social agents practioned in such a way as to fulfill the many specialties of functionalism, redeeming the so called Polis situation of modern day controlled labour really. Institutionalization is thus most capable of such strategy. As with the intricate delicacy and preciseness that a mother gives to newly fertilized embryo, so as to in the social stages of infancy that the human state of mind deserves intense nourishment and sound observance. Taking into perspective that South Africa only adopted a “Democratic” education policy post 1994 (some 750 years odd after the initial imperial invasions that disintegrated indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) that fueled national sovereign-ism), supposedly shifting away Herrenvolk Bantu Education, a lot of fallacious characteristics continually surface in the education policy adopted by formal school institutionalization. Adaptation to OBE on its own is a suspect legislatural move as the programme has failed effortlessly internationally, now being dumped in a third world economical development zone. Right through from kindergarten Grade R level to Matric/Grade 12 practitioners themselves are elements of a broken down (IKS), forged afresh to suite market economy large scale exploitation. They are in turn given full authority to mould young and eager African minds into universal social being. The issue of academic discourse is a pivotal one; as it is the back bone of Bantu Education implementation. It highly important that communication modes in basic educational service are correspondent to scholar and practioner mother tongue (natural, most suitable) language. As a troubleshooting mechanism, a socio-scientific derivation of alternative academic discourse that is user friendly, ensuring comprehension, development and cultural correctness. There should be then maximum provision educational materials to be accessible in all acknowledgeable dialects. In such a way, we do away with malpractices of disadvantaging individual information on the basis of ethnic differentiation endorsed by Bantu education. An example would be: All subjects modules and courses in the Education Syllabus should be accessible in all national languages, no compromise. A condition that seeks to condition the maintenance of an unjustly biased status quo is unacceptable. Bantu S. Biko clearly states, “The most dangerous weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed” Looking at the annual deposit of high school leavers into tertiary education domains, the knowledge accumulated thus far is the determining factor higher education performance. The current basic undergraduate programme fails inspire or encourage hermeneutic research which really is the highest mode of university critique and interpretation. Also in same instance, curricular based case studies that do not logically relate to the current African situation lead to application of foreign systems on local societies creating imbalances, again feeding to an unquenchable market economy that is not advantageous to the majority. When we look at the historical University of Fort Hare, we observe an institution that has been producing universal academics for almost a century and renowned as the cradle of African intellectualism, yet that statistic fails to explain why the community this institution is based in has not developed into a well season traditional university towns or cities as of ancient Timbuktu in Mali and Alexandria in Nubia, only a crippled replica of missionary equivalent stations such as Stellenbosch, Grahamstown Cape Town and Johannesburg. Deductively, the education policy employed here also is a double standarded package which is a defaulted imperial front. A paradox of note if we examine the primary developments of the 20th century Southern African liberation struggle. Students! Here we are then in the ultimate level of educational institutionalization to date. Our foetal minds challenging systematic indoctrination that limits fundamentals of human development. Most definitely, time has dawned on US to critically pave the direction mode of academic discourse , simply put, derive and determine curriculum standards to those that endorse IKS taking into perspective what the National Higher Education Plan of 2001 white paper states on criteria and the relevant University Education Policy. In doing so, a working class of homegrown intellectualism that will be shamelessly advantageous to the rudimental and basic needs of Africa. As Mangaliso R. Sobukwe stated in 1949, “Education to us means service to Africa”, clearly linking the work one does to the knowledge one has obtained, determining building blocks that make up a working Nation of independent status. Daughters and Sons of the soil, this is a minor step in a well developed giant evolution assembled in an intensely connected long chain of decolonisational plans that follow with necessity.

The "Dogs" Have Been Part of African Culture

PLEASE NOTE:Brendon Boyle is former Parliamentary Editor and the former Daily Dispatch Editor. This was a response to an editorial article of his. This is in response to editors’ article in the opinions section in yesterday’s DD, 16 January 2012, “Let’s not throw Zuma’s comments to the dogs”. I noticed that he noted and I quote in verbatim,” He (Zuma) chose as one example of the decay of the culture that defines his morals and values the limited black emulation of the largely white penchant of keeping dogs as pets”. It is this particular statement and the logic around it in as far as African traditions and culture are concerned that I take this chance to point out a simple opinion or fact really. Firstly, I am not quite sure whether or not if in isiZulu hunting culture dogs are used as hunting companions, but in isiXhosa hunting culture dogs have been present for centuries. This led to dogs being domesticated and verily became part of everyday life and companions of the youngster in society. Also still in this regard, domesticated dogs became an organ of household security from all kinds of domestic situations. So the assumption that Africans did not keep dogs as pets is obscured, from President Zuma‘s point of view yes, and also Mr Boyles assumption the President’s speech as fully totalitarian with regards to African pets culture. The second point is the issue of the ill treatment of animals as compared to people. Zuma does have a point there yes(the fact that dogs get treated better than the domestic worker in general) and I am sure that some domestic workers and their Caucasian employers can allude to this (I dare any!). Again I find that there might be a flaw in using this valid argument to point out certain traits of African culture with regards to pets. It’s a known fact that pets in certain parts of Africa, especially domesticated dogs to a certain extent are treated with a very derogative manner. There are metaphoric sayings in IsiXhosa that I can use to point this out. “Inja phandle- Dogs belong outside”, or “Yinja lowo- He/she is a dog” and “Inkwenkwe yinja-Boys are dogs” (meaning that until they are men, they are nothing). Verily, in these statements one can clearly see how looked down upon the status of a dog is. Rustum Siyongwana in his novel, Ubulumko Bezinja- the Enlightenment of the Dogs, in his attempt to highlight the plight of white racism and oppression, uses this visible and apparent abuse of pet dogs by their human counterparts. The setting he uses to paint his picture is that of African isiXhosa culture. Again it is fully evident here that pets have been part of domestic African life. So Mr Boyle, what I am pointing out is that Mr President was actually culturally incorrect and your argument cannot be supported by his statements because it will not be logical for the argument of African culture and traditionalism being protected.

The apartheid debt has led to an undemocratic credit

PLEASE NOTE: This is another article from 2011 that seems to be very much appropriate to circulate again... The apartheid debt has led to an undemocratic credit Modern day South Africa (and its neighbouring countries), is a country torn by its past and traumatised by its present situation. Our land has been in a socio-political comma for almost 20 years now, one that is leaving its children running around like headless chicken and fighting over a meatless bone. Our people are not working for a living, hence the resort to other means of basic survival. The supposed leaders have isolated themselves in high walled mansions and cumbersome speeches and addresses that are of no meaning to the laymen. Our people are infected with deadly and hazardous viruses without cure and engaging in civil wars (intensely uncivilised action) that are fuelled by external forces. A state of deliria. Two major factors have contributed to this:  Failure to address the blatant economic and political imbalance that leads to social ills and human degeneration  Lack of service delivery and a utopian democracy Steve Biko, once wrote on the issue of an egalitarian society delivered by a total liberation plan, he stated clearly,” If we have a mere change of face of those in governing positions what is likely to happen is that black people will continue to be poor, and you will see few blacks filtering through into the so-called bourgeoisie. Our society will be run almost as of yesterday. So for meaningful change to appear there needs to be an attempt at reorganising the whole economic pattern and policies within this particular country”. As if he had seen the future, Biko like Nostradamus before him had detailed what our land would become. The truth is that it would have not benefited the Caucasian minority of South Africa at the time to secede the enforced political advantage and material wealth that they had accumulated. The western world which benefited from this also was not going to readily give up on the golden sunshine of the southern African coastline. So this interest has to be protected, so-called white guilt had to be protected by the 21st century serf in the form of what Mike Muendande calls a ‘capitalist nigger’. Only difference now is that the fiefdom or serfdom has become part of a global market. Salvador Allende was also engaged on issues of post liberation socio-economic redress and political order. His emissions relate to the South African context in that Chile also was completely stripped of its political and economic freedom. He stated, ” We shall have real power when copper and steel are under our control, when saltpetre is genuinely under our control, when we have put far reaching Land Reform measures into effect, when we have collectivized a major portion of our national production. I say ‘a major portion’ because in our programme we announced to the nation that there would be three sectors in economy: nationalized industry, a mixed sector and the private sector. Now then, if these things – affirming our national sovereignty, recovering our basic wealth ad attacking monopolies-do not lead to Socialism, then I do not know what does. But there will be no further doubt as to whether we hold real power as soon as Chile becomes an economically independent country”. Allende resonates with Biko strongly on the basic principle of complete redress being a necessity for egalitarian society. These grounds and principles are very much similar to the liberation drive statutes that were held by the pivots of the American Revolution against Great Britain and its allies in the 18th century. Ironically, western powers often forget history easily and thus they repeat it. I am not one to sympathise with Julius Malema or the policies of the ANCYL, but is blatantly evident that the sudden interest in socialist agenda with regards to redressing the issue of radically liberating the economic and political abilities of the African masses is related to that of Black Consciousness vanguard. It is no secret that SASCO (of which most ANCYL members are graduates of) assimilated the then Biko led SASO stance of, “Africans should work themselves into a powerful group so as to go forth and stake their rightful claim in the open society rather than to exercise that power in some obscene part of the Kalahari. Hence this belies the belief that our withdrawal is an end in itself”. The withdrawal being in this case from imperial forces that hinder the process of affirming our national sovereignty, recovering our basic wealth ad attacking monopolies. One of the reasons why the League uttered query on the Botswana regime is that there are instabilities in the socio-economic authenticity of the mineral mining happening in that country. Again, the only reason why the League shows undivided support on the issue of Zimbabwe is based on the uncompromising manner that ZANU PF reclaimed back economic sovereignty. Can you see the radical elements? The only difference with the current ANCYL sentiments and that of true emancipation are that of creating a truly egalitarian society. The League has no interest nor business in this avenue and that is their ‘Achilles Ankle’. As already described, we are now facing a situation of national comma that has left us status of politically corrupt, economically imbalanced and socially dehumanised, the last thing we need is a front that pulls wool over the people’s eyes painting a picture of a “rainbow country”, a multi-racial country that is part of the “common wealth”. This is nowhere close to a truly non-racial and egalitarian state. What this situation leads to is an intense sense of individualism amongst people, a sense of separate development where people have given into the globalisation effect. The symptoms of this ‘deep sleep’ are malpractice in governance, lack of service delivery and divided political direction amongst elected leaders of the people. There is no way that a once united people under oppression can now emerge as various divided fronts aiming at being an African sovereignty claiming and affirming economic power and political will that is undiluted by neo colonial syndromes. Our situation is that of a poor local social situation with ridiculously elevated international status. Southern African gold, diamonds, platinum and other commodities are sold(given away..snatched really) everyday internationally through a foreign exchange, while the people who work the land, are left living in inhumane conditions in informal settlements, no ‘shacks’ in fact , while on the other side of Sandon City our ‘heroes’ of the struggle dine with the Queens’ envoys. The apartheid debt is a heavy load to pay off in a time where we chose to accumulate undemocratic credit. Sibusiso Mnyanda 8 September 2011

A Letter to Malema

NB: This article was first published in 2011. I feel its still relevant today. Do not worry, I bring you good news. In the light of the recent political activity particularly concerning you Mr President and your views around state resources, general political development within the ANCYL and the ANC, international diplomacy and student politics, I am prompted at this point to share a few things with you. Ndikurhabulise mfo’omdala. It is important to note you have taken a bold stand by unapologetically criticizing the hand that feeds you-‘ANC led liberation movement’-, positively I could even say. It is strictly healthy for politics to be a space where such vigorous but logical engagement should take place, not only institutionally but also informally where we socialise and live. The rhetoric here would be to stereotypically point out the fact that you also have shown strong characteristics of a new breed of racial supremist and capitalist, a black one. As you state in your opinion feature article, ‘Our people are facing extinction’ in the Sunday Times 23 October 2011, “Our people are dying due to poverty and starvation because we have not changed the economic ownership pattern that is informed by apartheid. Such dire existence happens alongside massive wealth and the capacity to eradicate poverty, starvation, unemployment and crisis levels of inequality in SA”. The irony here is that you have just been exposed as a multimillionaire with various directorships in companies of sorts. Rumours of you financing the construction of a mansion in Gauteng also are characteristics of the same nature of white supremist that continue to monopolise riches of our land and have successfully transferred ownership to their third generation offspring. Other affiliates of the so-called ANC led liberation movement seem to be accustomed to this trend. With your connections and financial status you have “capabilities” and “capacities” to do something about the current situation. Maybe this march or mobilisation effort is your contribution to the cause of the poor. Or maybe you also want to transfer your ownership of “resources accumulated” to your offspring? But I am not about rhetoric. Do not worry, I bring you good news. I will allude to your quote of Cabrals words when he says, “Claim no easy victories”. As you embark on your revolutionary actions , understand that one of the major backbones that the supremist and racist capitalist rely on in maintaining apartheid intended situation in this land, is the collaboration between the elitist ANC-led liberation movement and so called liberals and philanthropist that led to the Kliptown draft of the Freedom Charter. This charter paved the way for what you call racialised problems. Its principle of multiracialism was a harbinger for eventual ‘separate development ‘laws enforced by the racist apartheid regime, protecting stolen and enforced white interests forever. Establishment of underdeveloped homelands, inhumane migrant labour systems, Herrenvolk bantu education system all were symptoms of a country hit by collaboration. So before you rally masses for confrontational cause, first make sure that there are no ‘masks’ in your ‘difficulties’ and ‘mistakes’. Your credibility as a true comrade of the people , and that of the ANC and all other progressive political and trade union bodies that have been at the helm of the post-apartheid government regime for that matter, is highly under question as you all show signs and characteristics of being petty bourgeoisie class that will lead us to eMpelazwe. Sibusiso Mnyanda 25 October 2011