The “Classroom” has not changed since it was “Designed”

The learning process in as far as knowledge production is concerned has always had its base and nucleus in the home, and verily became a community based activity. The informal classroom being the community and various levels of community being the basic pedagogical levels. Learners and educators were familiar with one another and the pedagogical situation was informed by the common everyday life that these communities participated in. In this setting there is no all knowing position, or an empty vessel that needs to be filled up. Knowledge production and evaluation is an experience based situation where those who have lived longer pass on information to those still in early stages of human development and cognitive growth. This information then is made into knowledge collectively. In this way even the inexperienced can participate in knowledge production about things they have yet to experience and all this is facilitated by the information passed on, not taught as a complete knowledge packaged which is ultimate and rigid. Thus it’s a two way learning stream flow. Colonialism here in Africa delivered the institutionalization of education, introducing a scuff holding that would last right through the ages until today. The classroom thus was designed. The physical environment is probably the most impactful paradigm shift that faced the learning process and thus the classroom. The comfort zone of being at home or within your immediate community environment was the primary shift. The teacher and the scholar were introduced to each other for the first time in a foreign and unfamiliar environment where the teacher knows and the learner consumes and banks information without a two way flow of cognitive introspection. Classrooms are bigger with less interaction between learners themselves. Formal rooms and buildings were now where learning was happening officially. The layout and design of these cells was a paradigm shift, sitting arrangements in formal rows to create uniform situation. All of this, the environmental/physical changes influenced the teaching style and verily the curriculum content itself. The classroom has not been re-imagined and re-evaluated since these impactful changes came about. Learning has become a very dehumanizing exercise that takes one away from the nucleus of the community and dumps them in a vacuum that requires of them to be banking sponges. In the light of education systems being under scrutiny and criticisms for their lack of quality in terms of curriculum and equality in terms of standard of education in relation to socio-economic status quo, what we should be also scrutinizing and aligning with critique is the necessity of re-imagining the classroom and the learning process itself. There is not much to celebrate or honor in a system that encourages high academic achievement within a dehumanizing curriculum. My suggestion in the words of Ivan Illich in his book Deschooling Society (1971): “Universal education through schooling is not feasible. It would be no more feasible if it were attempted by means of alternative institutions built on the style of present schools. Neither new attitudes of teachers toward their pupils nor the proliferation of educational hardware or software (in classroom or bedroom), nor finally the attempt to expand the pedagogue's responsibility until it engulfs his pupils' lifetimes will deliver universal education. The current search for new educational funnels must be reversed into the search for their institutional inverse: educational webs which heighten the opportunity for each one to transform each moment of his living into one of learning, sharing, and caring. We hope to contribute concepts needed by those who conduct such counterfoil research on education--and also to those who seek alternatives to other established service industries”.

The "Classroom" has not changed since it was "Designed"

Look out for the next installment 13 January 2014.

Rivonia vs Bethal Part 2: Multiracilism and its nature of collaboration

The adaptation of the freedom charter in Kliptown in 1955 by the ANC (if I am not mistaken it also forms integral part of the republics constitution) meant that its liberation struggle had taken a shift from its earlier established military stance by ANCYL in 1949. The Programme of Action without equivocation addressed the imbalance of the day. It was forcing a change in the status quo by establishing a strategy for an armed struggle, something that the ANC had done without for almost half a century. Remember, since the Frontier Wars (believe it or not these started in the late 18th century with the assassination of Chief Chungwas’ son and ended in the early 20th century with the murder of Chief Bambatha kaZondi....by the British) that were aimed at demoralizing our culture and sovereignty/armed resistance, our struggle has been remolded into passive resistance and institutionalized congresses that are influenced by an elite class of African who has been ‘civilized’. The emergence of liberals such as the Communist Party of South Africa allowed white supremacy opportunist to influence the newly formed liberation agenda that was non –violent with slogans such as socialism and communism.... isms and schism that would protect white guilt, raise apartheid debt and dilute the true Africanist agrarian agenda. Verily, it was the youth (as it was again in 1976, and at the present moment we the youth are in a similar situation) who emerged in the ANC National Conference 17 December 1949: “The fundamental principles of the Programme of Action of the African National Congress are inspired by the desire to achieve national freedom. By national freedom we mean freedom from White domination and the attainment of political independence. This implies the rejection of the conception of segregation, apartheid, trusteeship, or white leadership which are all, in one way or another, motivated by the idea of white domination or domination of the white over the Blacks. Like all other people the African people claim the right of self-determination. With this object in view, in the light of these principles we claim and will continue to fight for the political rights” This was never going to amuse the architects of separate development and racial discrimination. A fast and swift plan had to arise. The inevitability of war could not be escaped and white supremacy was under attack mortally. Who better than the slave can protect 'master' from the oncoming onslaught by the oppressed? Between 1949 and 1955, separate development had become multiracialism, an idea embraced by herrenvolk regime, white liberals and of course the perpetual student, the ‘House Slave” in the form of the ANC. It became fashionable for Africans to be sympathetic to the oppressor as fighting them tooth and nail would be considered barbarian and uncultured. And most definitely, the ANC front guard saw themselves as civilized. Thus, the nature of collaboration was born. Participation in our own subjugation had been born. Just as the name Azania was rejected as the name of our land, a new Rainbow country was forged to keep the status quo in check without the balance of power shifting, making sure that economically white supremacy is harbored; the land is still an elusive goal to be attained, politically compromised by collaborators. Question: is there a color black in the rainbow? So it is clearer now my people. The Rivonia treason trial and the Freedom Charter and are the tools that were used to create the social crimes that exist in this country today.In the same breathe the Bethal treason trail was a scam!!!! And the Military and 'True Africanist' loaded Program of Action was the casualty case of all this political madness.

Rivonia vs Bethal Part 2: Multiracilism and its nature of collaboration

Look out for the next installment in the pipelines!

Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa PART 1

It’s clear that the most important era in the modern Southern African liberation movement is between 1960 and 1976.It defined the politics of the region forever. During this period the apartheid regime was successful in staging two treason trails that were set to reverberate within the country and beyond till this very day. These are the Bethal and Rivionia Treason Trials, distinctively set up to obliterate the PAC from within and numb and transform the ANC into ‘collaborators’. Since the illegal formation of the Union of South Africa by the British and Dutch high command in the country, there has never been an opposing political force but the ANC. Within this regard, the apartheid regime had only been dealing with an elite group of Africans who were carved into a working middleclass; Christian converts and clergyman, academics and traditional leaders. It’s not until the late 50’s and early 60’s that the regime started facing an opposing political force that was aware of the class struggles that existed amongst the oppressed and thus transformed this awareness into sharp political articulation in the form of “true africanist’ stance that sought to do away with the “House Nigger’ or ‘Uncle Tom’ mentalities that diluted the peoples revolution and harbingered neo-colonialism. The ANC basically confirmed with the charter drafted in Kliptown that their route of liberation was a racially induced one, hence the multiracial character of the charter. This would further fuel racialism and also maintain the status quo socio-economically of the haves and have nots. The Sharpeville massacre in 1960 ushered in a new identity for the regions liberation politics. This identity was one of non collaboration (with the regime and neo-liberals) and a ‘go at it alone’ mentality. It also harbingered a new era of de-racialisation of politics and intense reassurance in a humanistic movement. Robert Sobukwe further elaborated on this stating: “In our past experience has been that minority groups declare themselves sympathetic to our struggle….but when they come into our movement they do not except the program we have formulated ourselves. They present us with programs that protect their sectional interests”. The ANC was thus a marginalized power in this regard. This stance taken in the 60’s was a flower blooming from seeds planted in the late 40’s already by the likes of Sobukwe, Lembede, Mandela, Sisulu and Mda whilst part of the Student Representative Council at the University College of Fort hare. Sobukwe addressed striking nurses in 1949: “I wish to make clear again that we are anti-nobody. We are pro-Africa. We breathe, we dream, we live Africa because Africa and humanity are inseparable. History has taught us that a group in power has never voluntarily relinquished its position. I am afraid these gentlemen are dealing with a new generation of which cannot be bamboozled”. These views, fighting ideas with ideas, herrenvolk versus humanity, completely set the PAC aside in the political arena as giants of the liberation movement. This was not ideal for the regime. Something or someone had to be obliterated. Between 1955 and 1960, the ANC had clearly exposed the true nature of their politics. By endorsing the Freedom Charter they went to bed with the oppressor, eyes wide shut. The difference with the ANC of 1912 and that of 1955 is that the latter willingly accepted the role of the gate keeper and protector of white guilt. The former was very oblivious and unaware of the colonial masters’ intension hence the black middle-class was formed with dignity and grace. The regime had to make a crucial decision in order to maintain the political imbalance. The banning of the ANC and the PAC was the initial move. The second move was to portray these organizations in a certain light that would be advantageous to them. How? Be extremely brutal to the “True Africanist” leadership such that a sense of mortal fear is dominant. Also, find a loophole in the conservative ANC that will allow them to see a future of multiracialism in South Africa. The Bethal Trial served to destroy Pan Africanism through an illegal court system . The Riviona Trail served to uphold a racist regime through ANC reformed prisoners who would one day emerge in the 1990’s as the true liberators of this land chanting a slogan of ‘multiracialism’. This is the real truth about South Africa.

Upcoming Article: Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa

NB:HERE IS THE BACKGROUND OF THE ARTICLE. THIS IS FOR YOU THE READER TO BE FAMILIAR WITH THE TWO TRIALS IN ORDER TO COMPREHEND THE REASON AN LOGIC BEHIND ARTICLE. INFORMATION ACCESSED THROUGH SABC TRC SPECIAL REPORT. Bethal Treason Trial: In 1978, four of eighty-six ‘co-conspirators’ charged with furthering the aims of the PAC died in police custody while awaiting trial. These detainees were Mr Naoboth Ntshuntsha Mr Bonaventure Malaza, Mr Aaron Khoza (who died in Pietermaritzburg), and Mr Samuel Malinga. The police alleged that all four had committed suicide. The eighty-six accused were part of a major trial of PAC members, which began in February 1978, in which eighteen members of the PAC, including PAC leader Mr Robert Sobukwe, Mr Zephaniah Mothopeng and Mr Mark Shinners, were charged under the Terrorism Act with furthering the aims of the organisation. Other charges related to alleged recruitment of people to undergo military training for the PAC abroad; the use of a religious organisation, the Young African Religious Movement, as a cover; encouraging violence and sabotage during unrest in Kagiso in 1977, and attempting to re-activate the PAC. They subsequently were sentenced to life imprisonment and shipped to Robben Island .The trial came to be known as the Bethal Treason Trial. It was held in the small rural town of Bethal in order to isolate the accused and reduce media coverage. The trial was also held in camera. Only journalists with cards signed by the commissioner of police were allowed to attend the hearings. The Rivonia Trial was a trial that took place in South Africa between 1963 and 1964, in which ten leaders of the African National Congress were tried for 221 acts of sabotage designed to overthrow the apartheid system. This trial was made after the police raid on the MK base in Rivonia, which showed documents of relations to the 10 accused men. The trial was essentially a mechanism through which the apartheid government could hurt or mute the ANC and allied organizations. Its leaders, including Nelson Mandela, who was already in Johannesburg's Fort prison serving a five-year sentence for inciting workers to strike and leaving the country illegally, were prosecuted, found guilty, and imprisoned. The apartheid regime's attack on the ANC's leadership and organizers continued with a trial known as Little Rivonia, in which other ANC members were prosecuted for sabotage. Amongst the defendants in this trial was the chief of MK, Wilton Mkwayi who was sentenced to life imprisonment alongside Mandela and the other ANC leaders on Robben Island. The government took advantage of 90 days without trial, and the defendants were held incommunicado. Each of the ten accused pleaded not guilty. The trial ended on 12 June 1964.

Upcoming Article: Rivonia vs Bethal-the truth about South Africa

Please look out for the next installment. If my gut feeling is on point, it will be my last. Serve, suffer, sacrifice.